For decades, American universities were viewed as neutral pillars of civic life—institutions of communal pride where football Saturdays, local economic development, and academic achievement bridged the partisan divide. But today, the ivory tower has become a primary front in the nation’s culture wars.
For Eric Schickler, a political scientist who spent his formative undergraduate years at the New College of Florida, the transformation of his alma mater from a respected public institution into a battleground for ideological reform was a turning point. Recalling the late 1980s and early 1990s, Schickler remembers a time when the college, despite its liberal arts focus, enjoyed broad bipartisan support.
"You had this odd liberal arts college in a relatively conservative part of Florida," Schickler said. "But at the time, there were a lot of Republican politicians who were really supportive of the school and saw it as an asset for the community."
That consensus has shattered. As Schickler climbed the academic ranks at Yale and later the University of California, Berkeley, he watched from afar as the political temperature surrounding higher education reached a boiling point—culminating in 2023, when Florida Governor Ron DeSantis launched a high-profile offensive against New College, labeling it a bastion of "woke activism" and vowing to reshape it into a "Hillsdale of the South."
A Chronology of Polarization: From Civic Pride to "The Enemy"
The modern assault on higher education did not happen overnight, nor did it emerge spontaneously from the grassroots. According to a landmark study released in April by Schickler and his co-author, Elina Maria Rodriguez, the estrangement between the Republican Party and higher education is a calculated, multi-decade process that has recently entered a more aggressive, top-down phase.
The 1980s–1990s: The Era of Bipartisan Support
In the final decades of the 20th century, higher education occupied a secure, nonpartisan space in American discourse. Platforms from both parties treated universities as essential public goods. Local leaders often saw state universities as economic engines that benefited their own constituents, regardless of party affiliation. During this period, both Republicans and Democrats dedicated roughly 3% of their platform text to higher education, with a general sense of mutual, if modest, favorability.
The 2000s–2010s: The Shift Toward Neutrality
As the 21st century dawned, the rhetoric began to cool. The study notes that by the 2005–2010 period, Republican favorability scores toward higher education had plateaued near neutral (0.0). While universities remained largely intact, the ideological foundation for skepticism was being laid, fueled by emerging debates over academic curricula and the rising costs of tuition.

2020–Present: The Crystallization of Hostility
The rhetoric sharpened dramatically during the Trump administration and accelerated under state-level leaders like DeSantis. By 2024, the average Republican platform score for higher education had plummeted to -1.6. Universities were no longer just viewed as expensive; they were increasingly painted as the "enemy"—out-of-touch centers of ideological indoctrination.
Data-Driven Analysis: Decoding the Rhetoric
To understand the mechanics of this shift, Schickler and Rodriguez analyzed over 1,000 state and national party platforms spanning 45 years. Using a rigorous keyword search and a hand-scoring system—where negative sentiments were marked -2 and positive +2—the researchers documented a stark departure from historical norms.
The reliability of this data is bolstered by a high degree of internal consistency; in an overlapping sample of 50 platforms, the researchers’ scores matched exactly 73% of the time, and remained within one point 97% of the time. The findings confirm that while Democratic support for higher education has remained steady, the Republican focus has shifted from constructive criticism to targeted condemnation.
Top-Down Tactics: The Role of Think Tanks and National Actors
Perhaps the most significant revelation in the study is the "top-down" nature of this polarization. Historically, American political science posited that polarization began at the grassroots level, with local activists pushing issues upward to party leadership.
However, the war on higher education appears to follow the opposite trajectory. National ideological groups and conservative think tanks, such as the Goldwater Institute and the Heritage Foundation, have become the primary architects of this movement. They draft "model legislation" aimed at dismantling tenure, eliminating Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) offices, and restricting curriculum, which is then funneled into statehouses across the country.
Tim Cain, an associate director and professor of higher education at the University of Georgia, notes that this explains the eerie uniformity of anti-higher-ed bills appearing in disparate state legislatures. "It’s not unusual that some of the legislation in different states has very similar language," Cain explained. "These national conversations are driving state action through conservative think tanks that are writing sample legislation."
The "New College" Case Study and Its Implications
The reorganization of the New College of Florida serves as the blueprint for this new strategy. By appointing a slate of conservative trustees—including Christopher Rufo—the state government effectively dismantled the existing administration, fired President Patricia Okker, and axed the DEI office.

This interventionist approach signals a shift from mere rhetorical criticism to direct administrative control. The implications for the future of the American university are profound:
- Erosion of Academic Autonomy: When state governments treat university boards as political appointments rather than oversight bodies, the traditional autonomy of faculty and administration is compromised.
- The "Enemy" Narrative: By framing universities as "woke" indoctrination centers, policymakers have created a political incentive to withhold funding, even when such cuts might harm the local economy or student outcomes.
- Nationalization of Local Issues: Issues that were once managed at the university level—such as student affinity groups or historical curriculum—are now being debated as national culture war items on cable news and social media.
Official Responses and the Road Ahead
Despite the heated rhetoric, there is a notable gap between the executive branch’s aggressive posturing and the legislative reality. While the Trump administration has repeatedly proposed deep cuts to federal student aid and university research, lawmakers on Capitol Hill have largely resisted these measures, often finding bipartisan consensus in the value of research funding and institutional stability.
However, both Schickler and Cain warn that the danger is not just in the legislation that passes, but in the environment it creates. The constant threat of investigations, lawsuits, and funding freezes exerts a "chilling effect" on academic inquiry.
"This is a much deeper problem than just Donald Trump," Schickler warned. "This is a long-term process of estrangement. In a two-party nationalized system, if one party views you as an enemy, that puts you in a vulnerable position."
For university leaders, the study serves as a call to action. Cain argues that the era of hoping these attacks will simply blow over is long gone. If academia is to survive this period of profound estrangement, institutions must stop reacting in isolation and instead develop a unified, data-backed defense of their role in American society.
As the political landscape continues to evolve, the case of the New College of Florida stands as a warning: when a vital public institution loses its status as a bipartisan asset, it becomes a casualty of a system that no longer views education as a communal good, but as a territory to be conquered.








